The articles published in this special edition of the Journal for Contemporary History are peer-reviewed proceeds of a colloquium held at the University of the Free State, Bloemfontein Campus on 24 February 2017 and at the Qwaqwa Campus on 24 March 2017. The colloquium was the initiative of Dr Chitja Twala of the Department of History at the University of the Free State, Bloemfontein Campus in an attempt to highlight the role the Free State Province's political activists played in the broader struggle for liberation in South Africa. This edition of the Journal for Contemporary History questions the quiescence of academic writing in addressing the underground and aboveground political activism that took place in the Free State. The articles published in this special edition, in one way or another, dispels the widely held view that the Free State Province had but a small role to play in the struggle for liberation in South Africa.
The history of student activism and contestation for political space as exhibited by the student organisations at one of the former University of the North's (Turfloop) satellite campus or branch, UNIQWA, remains untold and scarcely documented, despite the available evidence that UNIQWA experienced student protests between the mid-1980s and mid-1990s. There were occasions whereby student political activists and their organisations were depicted as a united core, despite their political affiliations. However, at some point the underlying ideological differences took centre stage in the contest for political space on campus. This article attempts to highlight the role played by UNIQWA student formations and their contestation for political space, and the impact this had on the advancement of the liberation cause.
The study investigates the ideological challenges facing the African National Congress (ANC) from being a liberation movement to it becoming the ruling party in South Africa. The study argues whether there has been an ideological evolution within the ANC or not. Furthermore, the study contends that what the ANC aspired to ideologically, as a liberation movement prior to democratisation in April 1994, is not the same as what it is confronted with as the current ruling party in South Africa. It is clear from this study that the ANC has experienced some changes from its founding principles of 1912. With a number of political changes in the South African political landscape and the changes in the challenges confronting the movement over time, the party was bound to undergo some evolutionary progress. It is argued in this study that theorising about the ideologies of liberation movements are meaningless unless the mapping out of the courses of these ideological shifts of fundamentally defining and re-defining the status of such movements over time is undertaken. Therefore, this study traces how such an evolution has happened within the ANC and what ideological impact it has had on the history of the movement. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n20p1988
On 8 January 2012, the African National Congress (ANC) marked the centenary of its existence. Without doubt, this was a remarkable celebration and achievement for any liberation movement. Despite all the challenges which faced the Jacob Zuma presidency during these eventful celebrations, the ANC portrayed a "united front". The article gives a chronological account of the events leading up to the ANC's Mangaung Conference in December 2012. In attempts to achieve this, the run-up events to the Conference will be traced from the ANC as a ruling party, as well as a political organisation in the broader South African political landscape. Critical issues confronting the ANC, which include among others, both organisational and leadership renewal, will be discussed. The eventual release of the ANC's Discussion Document on Organisation Renewal in March 2012 after nine drafts was a measure of just how deep the malaise in the organisation has become, and just how uphill the battle will be to address the sins of incumbency that beset the ANC. The author attempts at weaving together different perspectives of the events, leading to the destabilisation of the Zuma presidency and raises pertinent questions about the role of the media in South African politics. After nearly two decades in power, the organisation still needs to adopt to the reality of the 21st century democratic South Africa or be left behind; a fact acknowledged by Zuma at the ANC's centenary celebration on 8 January 2012 at its Mangaung birthplace.
As early as 1989 when it was clear that there was a possibility of unbanning liberation movements in South Africa and securing the release of political prisoners, the African National Congress (ANC)-aligned structures in the different townships began openly and radically mobilising for the organisation. The ANC-aligned demonstrations and protests became everyday scenes around the country and it was evident that the South African Police (SAP) was gradually battling to control the ANC-aligned citizens in most townships. In mid-1989, a gang known as the Three Million emerged in Maokeng Township (Kroonstad) and was accused by the community members to be operating as a vigilante group. Therefore, incidents of vigilantism by the Three Million Gang became a regular scene in this township. Using the Three Million as a case in point, I attempted to show how the ANC-aligned structures reacted to this gang which was viewed as a vigilante group in the Maokeng Township.
The ANCYL played a significant role in the history of the ANC, therefore the actions of its members at their 23rd conference in Bloemfontein were disturbing for the ANC. Already in the build-up it was clear that rivalries between factions were rife and before the conference started there had been disruptions. The article highlights the reasons behind the rivalry and the ANC's leadership's handling of the situation. The rivalry was not due to ideological differences but to support for personalities. The ANC leaders and ex-ANCYL leaders aired their dissatisfaction with the unruly conduct and the pursuit of political self-advancement. Many members rejected the outcome of the leadership election and the congress was adjourned. The ANC intervened and at a closed session later that month the election of the five officials and the National Executive Commission was maintained. A number of organizational, policy and leadership issues were discussed. The divisions were, however, still apparent. The conference in Bloemfontein was obviously a political hangover of the ANC's conference at Polokwane.
The article reflects on the role played by Jacob Zuma as President of the African National Congress (ANC) using his Zuluness to break the Inkatha Freedom Party's (IFP's) political control of the KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) province. The rationale for this venture by Zuma elicited an outcry from the IFP, which for long had used the Zuluness appeal in the province to garner votes during the elections. It is therefore argued that the use of the Zuluness appeal by Zuma and the ANC helped the organization in winning the April 2009 elections in the province. The author negates the widely held simplistic viewpoint that in the KZN province, the ANC was mostly voted into power because its President was a Zulu. Therefore, the article scrutinises arguments for and against the usage of Zuluness as an appeal to galvanize support on behalf of the ANC.
The new democratic political dispensation has posed numerous challenges and opportunities to both the government communication system and government communicators specifically. The democratic breakthrough of 1994 signaled, among other matters, an ANC government commitment to create space for members of the public to participate in building the new democratic South African state. Communication has thus been viewed as a strategic element of service delivery. Government has created a number of opportunities and structures to pursue the commitment that this accountability and interaction takes place. These include the Presidential Izimbizo and Exco Meets the People (sometimes referred to as the Provincial Izimbizo). For the purpose of this article, the concept of Exco Meets the People is used interchangeably as meaning a communication method by the Free State ANC government as well as referring to a provincial gathering organised by the Directorate of Policy Unit in the Office of the Premier. The article uses field research as the main historical research methodology. This method was helpful to ascertain the impact of Exco Meets the People to the targeted communities, and to determine the views of such communities with regard to this communication method.
In the second five years of governance of the ANC in South Africa, almost all ANC-led provinces experienced leadership problems. There were escalating inter-nal conflicts over the direct involvement of President Thabo Mbeki in the appoint-ment of the provincial premiers; power struggles within the party; the role of ethnicity and culture; ideological differences within the party and the continuous transformation from a freedom movement towards a political party.
This article explores the interesting and controversial question of whether affirmative action in South Africa poses a possible solution to redress imbalances of the past in labour circles. Is it permissible to sideline white males or people from more advantaged backgrounds in order to be seen to be complying with the provisions of affirmative action? Affirmative action became a 'buzz' word after 1994. Indeed, the Government of National Unity (GNU) had good intentions about redressing inequalities of the past through its introduction, but it is evident that between 1994 and 2004 affirmative action increased the very evil it seeks to cure, that of racial discrimination. Critics of this programme believed that affirmative action was a new form of job reservation. Others believed that it was apartheid reversed or reversed discrimination; and giving jobs on preferential treatment. Some dubbed it 'rent a black' programme. Some believed that affirmative action is an attempt to create 'Umlungu omnyama' (a white black man). The article also argues as to whether there is such a person as an 'affirmative action candidate'.
The article traces the impact and relevance of the service delivery and poverty alleviation strategies introduced by the African National Congress (ANC) led provincial government in the Free State Province. This was in line with the promises made by the ANC during its electioneering campaigns of a "better life for all". South Africa was confronted with the challenge of transforming a racially and ethnically fragmented and unequal public service delivery system into one that would be able to meet the demands from a newly enfranchised citizenry for economic, social and political development. The legacies of apartheid, combined with widespread poor budgetary and financial management, a massive backlog in basic services and infrastructure, race and regional inequalities in provision, and sometimes tense social relationships, tended to limit opportunities for social development and expanded delivery. South Africa's new Constitution guaranteed human rights and democratic governance, promised efficient delivery of services and implemented a number of reforms aimed at achieving equity, access and the redistribution of resources. I argue in this article that the appointment of Winkie Direko, as the Premier of the Free State for the period 1999 to 2004 heralded a new dispensation for service delivery and poverty alleviation projects in the province. Therefore,the article seeks to highlight some of her initiatives as the province's Premier in fast-tracking service delivery and poverty alleviation programmes. In order to achieve the above, Direko introduced a structure which became known as the Premier's Economic Advisory Council (PEAC). This article reflects the role played by the PEAC in advising Direko as Premier on the economic development of the Free State Province. It presents the reflections, analysis, and recommendations of the research projects undertaken under the auspices of the PEAC. Furthermore, it highlights the use of the PEAC as one approach to enhance stakeholders' contribution to the economic development of the province, albeit within the limitations of time and funding from the Free State provincial government. Direko's PEAC ceased to function after the change of the provincial political leadership in April 2004 general election. Therefore, the article discusses the period 1999 to 2004.
